Anarchic update news all over the world - Part 1 - 9/04/2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #281 -
      Notre-Dame-des-Landes: We sow after the victory (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Poland, Workers' initiative: Social Congress of Women -
      postulates [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  anarkismo.net: Afrin and the Policies of the Democratic
      Union Party by Zaher Baher (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Greece, dirty horse APO: Transnational competition (in our
      neighborhood) from a class perspective (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






After the joy of victory, and the wonderful event that celebrated it, the struggle enters 
a new phase, with new challenges. AL will continue to be. ---- In a context where the 
social movement accumulates defeat on defeat, the victory at Notre-Dame-des-Landes (NDDL) 
brings a ray of hope. But this one did not fall from the sky. Among the peculiarities of 
the movement against the airport, the most important was its ability, not only to coexist, 
but much more to combine dissimilar activist practices. Between the "  citizen  " movement 
embodied by Acipa, the agricultural professional organizations grouped within the Copain 
association and the " radical " occupiers and occupiers installed on the ZAD - the latter 
being multifaceted in their practices - the probability of bursting of movement was great.

Convergence of struggles !

But everyone knew how much each component brought a brick essential to combat. And good 
year, bad year, the regular general meetings allowed the movement to remain united during 
all these years. This allowed for common or convergent initiatives. This mixture of 
tactical diversity and the convergence of struggles has allowed the movement to strengthen 
itself, to build its legitimacy and ... to lead to victory.

The late construction of a syndicate against the airport, organizing unionists Solidaires, 
CGT and CNT opposed to the airport, in connection with Buddy and with some of the 
occupants and occupants, is probably the product of this unit and the last brick of the 
balance of power in the field.

The abandonment of the project, the movement's first victory, put this beautiful unit in 
difficulty. But the differences do not appear where we might have feared. They are 
manifested within the ZAD itself between the different "  sensibilities  " that cross " 
zadistes  ". The vast majority of occupants have begun to build their future on this land, 
which by producing cereals or vegetables, which by installing a bakery, a brewery or 
various craft activities. A micro economy has been built, symbolized by the " 
non-marketplace  " exchange place based on "  free prices  ". They want to consolidate 
their experiences today, including by looking for amodus vivendi with the public authorities.

Manage the end of the clash with the state

However, a handful of irreducible people oppose the decisions taken, either because they 
and they project themselves into a direct and perpetual confrontation "  with the State ", 
or because they and they fear to be sacrificed future discussions that the rest of the 
movement wishes to hold with the public authorities.

Act 1 of this scenario was played around the cleaning of the " road of the chicanes " - 
promised to the inhabitants and the inhabitants of the neighborhood - that is to say of 
the departmental road 281 crossing the ZAD and symbol of the resistance. The vast majority 
of the movement decided to return the road to its traffic function - despite the 
opposition of these few dozen occupiers - at the same time to prevent the reopening of the 
road being used as a pretext for the forces of the order to invest the ZAD but also to 
allow the opening of negotiations with the prefecture on the future of land.

In exchange for this cleansing, the whole movement has pledged to oppose all expulsions. 
It is now up to the whole movement to pay attention to ensuring that this collective 
promise is kept - especially during negotiations with the public authorities - to allow 
all those who participated in the struggle by occupying the site of to build their future. 
A certain appeasement of the ZAD is inevitable to allow to anchor in the long term the 
experiments that emerged during the occupation: other forms of agricultural production and 
other ways of living one's life, as many elements carrying alternative projects and of 
anticapitalist reflections.

The state, Vinci, and the Chamber of Agriculture do not hear it that way, and want to kill 
the experience in the bud. As for the departmental council of Loire-Atlantique, led by the 
PS and EELV, he asked the State retrocession of the 895 hectares of the site which he has 
temporarily been the owner.

The battle for land will be at the heart of the struggle in the months and years to come, 
and it can not be won without maintaining the unity of the movement. It must be combined 
with a determined opposition to any attempt to evacuate the ZAD and the demand for land 
management in the ZAD by the movement in all its diversity - peasants and farmers, 
naturalists, residents and residents, old and new inhabitants .

Other big useless projects

This victory at Notre-Dame-des-Landes calls for others. First and foremost, we think of 
all these useless or dangerous projects, such as the nuclear waste landfill project in 
Bure (Meuse), the Roybon Center Parcs (Isère), the Lyon-Turin No-TAV rail link project at 
medium speed, to quote the most emblematic. But we do not forget this multitude of 
projects, big or smaller, imposed on the populations in spite of their social or 
environmental harmfulness.

It is possible to win ! This is demonstrated by the struggle at Notre-Dame-des-Landes. 
Opponents and opponents of all these projects see it. We have yet to instill doubt in the 
minds of our opponents !

Jacques Dubart (AL Nantes)

A victory: do not sulk our pleasure !

The government announced the abandonment of the airport project on January 17. The 
declaration of public utility (DUP) of the airport has lapsed since February 9, burying 
permanently this project of another age. On February 10, the gathering on the ZAD to 
celebrate the event was, with over 30,000 people participating, a big popular success. 
People of all ages, from all over France and beyond, made the trip. For the anecdote, the 
pro-airport gathered the same day in Bouguenais (Loire-Atlantique) barely 300 people.

Through the participation of Libertarian Alternative activists in collectives supporting 
the struggle, through the contribution of other activists to the constitution and actions 
of the union collective against the airport and its world, through the participation there 
from our activists and activists to the actions of the movement, through the direct 
intervention of our organization in public rallies at the call of the movement, 
Alternative Libertaire is one of those who have worked for this victory to emerge !

On February 10, the activists of the local collectives of Alternative Libertaire were 
numerous and visible in the strolling of the Gourbis in Bellevue, in particular those of 
Nantes, Rennes, Lorient, Angers, the country of Auge , from Fougere, from Paris. This day 
was very pleasant, very family and, despite the mud, festive. The taste of victory was 
present at all levels !

Jacques Dubart (AL Nantes)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Notre-Dame-des-Landes-On-seme-apres-la-victoire

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Message: 2






The Social Congress of Women took place on March 3 in Poznan. It was initiated by Poznan 
nurseries, cultural institutions and tenants from Warsaw and Poznan. The organization of 
the Congress resulted from the necessity to extend the struggle for higher wages and lower 
rents, which we jointly deal with on the basis of trade unions and tenants' associations. 
This fight is often a direct answer to the anti-woman policy pursued by the local 
government. We treat current attempts to tighten the abortion law as a supplement to the 
same anti-woman policy, but this time implemented at the central level. Therefore, we also 
go out on the street because we are part of a wider women's movement. The list of 
postulates below is not a direct response to government attempts to limit access to proper 
medical care in the event of unwanted pregnancy. However, the lack of such care results in 
a deterioration of our economic position, and this raises our opposition.

1. Shortening the length of weekly working time to 35 hours without decreasing the wage.

In addition to the fact that employees are struggling with professional duties, to make 
matters worse, they do free work at home. In fact, they work much more than 40 hours a 
week. Meanwhile, the continuous increase in labor productivity in the economy allows 
shortening of working time without reducing wages. If the working hours are not shortened, 
only the business gains growth in productivity, and the working people lose. In addition, 
the increase in labor productivity without a common shortening of the working week in the 
long run causes unemployment and poverty. The average annual working time in Poland is 
about 500 hours longer than in Germany and is one of the longest in Europe, which proves 
our overwork. We need more time off work in which we can realize our own needs. In the 
case of female nurseries and other employees in the care sector, it is necessary to 
shorten the working time to 25 hours per week. This level is currently available to 
pre-school caregivers and allows for proper rest.

2. Increasing wages and employment on employment contracts in all facilities financed from 
the local government or state budget.

Increasing the tasks of institutions financed from the self-government or state budget, 
while limiting the number of posts, increases the workload. However, there is no increase 
in wages for more work. Low wages, which are common in municipal institutions, force us to 
"earn" out of full-time work, on weekends and during holidays. This work is sometimes done 
at the same employer but in a different scope of responsibilities. Overworking causes 
health deterioration: injuries, accidents at work, chronic diseases, occupational 
diseases. These problems deepen employment for junk contracts and outsourcing, thanks to 
which the institutions cut the costs of their activities, reduce wages and worsen working 
conditions. In addition, junk contracts are used to foster divisions between workers for 
the "better" and "worse",

3. Increasing the number of places in day care centers and kindergartens and reducing fees 
for their services.

Many years of underfunding and cuts in public spending, which reduced access to nurseries, 
kindergartens and other care institutions, directly hit women. Their free or low-paid job 
fills the gaps caused by limited access to services, food or poor housing. In practice, 
for example, older women must work for their adult children, taking care of their own 
grandchildren. The underdevelopment of public care institutions, eg for children and the 
elderly, in fact means that women are being hired to work in households.

4. Including the time allocated for commuting to the place of work in the total time of 
the working day.

The effort related to travel to work is not treated as a job, although many establishments 
operate only by employing people who do not live in their immediate environment. These 
people are forced to long commute because of the lack of employment opportunities at home. 
Several hours of commuting and working full-time make it impossible to carry out all 
caring duties at home, not to mention the right rest. The use of employee transport, often 
subject to control and various regulations, for example in buses transporting employees to 
Amazon's warehouses, can not be used for meals or drinks. Using public transport exposes 
us to fees, which is an absurd situation. Not only is getting to the plant is a waste of 
time and it is only to meet the needs of entrepreneurs, we still have to pay for it. As a 
result, we give our bosses a few to several hours of our lives for free every week, and we 
still have to pay for it many times.

5. Increasing social control over finances and self-government activities.

The city's finances are not transparent to most of its residents. The policy of tightening 
the belt is justified by economic reasons, but the problem is not the lack of funds but 
the way they are divided. Too low wages in institutions paid for by the local government 
actually result from the adoption of specific political priorities and not from the "tight 
budget". Expenditures on social welfare, communal services or culture do not bring great 
profits to business, as a rule they are treated as a loss, and their underfunding is the 
norm. On the other hand, the construction of roads or stadiums makes it possible to 
transfer millions to private pockets and, as a consequence, these expenses are referred to 
as "development investments". Local politicians in their decisions, for example regarding 
the financing of cultural institutions, are guided by their own taste or political trends. 
In the case of care institutions, the priority is to maintain their inefficiency, which 
can always serve as a pretext to close them. We waste our time thinking about the 
structure of the budget, while politicians use it as a tool to take the poor and give the 
rich. The more obscure the structure of the budget, the easier it is to derive millions 
from it, which reach a few.

6. Enabling trade unions to control labor standards.

Lack of detailed provisions in the Labor Code regarding labor standards enables 
entrepreneurs to increase its intensity according to their own needs. Standards, 
performance indicators, the number of products per hour to be performed at the assembly 
lines, or the number of children in groups in the case of nursery nurses, often outstrips 
the physical capacity of the employees. We demand workers' control over the regulation of 
standards, through trade unions or crew representations. Standards can not grow without 
justification (without introducing technological improvements). We demand that the 
exemptions be discontinued on the pretext that the standard will not be met. Labor 
productivity standards must take into account the needs and capabilities of employees 
(especially the elderly or the disabled).

7. Planning work time (eg setting schedules, changes or breaks at work) according to the 
needs of the employees.

Flexible employment is even more stiffening entrepreneurs in terms of work time planning. 
A large part of the plants operate in a 24-hour mode, although there is no other 
justification than increasing profits (we are not talking about sectors that meet current 
needs such as health care). Night work, forced overtime, additional duties, longer and 
longer billing periods destroy our physical and mental health. Especially in the case of 
night work, we demand adjusting the working time to our needs (ie the possibility of 
limiting its length and the possibility to choose working hours), as well as scheduling 
work time at least three months in advance. Unstable hours of work strike with redoubled 
power in parents and people taking care of the elderly or disabled. Short-term agency 
agreements (eg two-week or monthly), where you work half a year or more, are used to 
transfer business risk to working people. These contracts result in extreme uncertainty 
and over-strength work (even when the disease is going through) to "earn" another 
contract. In addition, breaks that are necessary to be able to work all day work should be 
entirely devoted to rest, not for the implementation of additional business tasks or to 
reach the place of rest.

8. Universal health insurance for all persons residing in Poland. The abolition of limits 
on specialist medical services.

Widely prevailing unstable employment and the associated frequent periods of unemployment 
make access to free, specialist treatment and rehabilitation difficult. Only persons 
employed under a contract of employment may use the current social security system. People 
employed on junk contracts or not registered as unemployed have to pay a fortune for 
private medical care and medicines. This condition combined with low earnings forces them 
to work beyond strength. Lack of funds for treatment and prophylaxis causes, especially 
among older people, a rapid deterioration of health. Costs resulting from the destruction 
of health through work should be borne by the state and entrepreneurs, not workers who are 
often forced to treat themselves and their relatives with home methods. Regardless of 
whether we are employed under a contract of employment and whether we have Polish 
citizenship, the compulsion of work impresses on our health. Therefore, we require 
permanent, and not limited, access to medical care.

9. Universal retirement at the minimum wage level.

A sudden drop in the amount of income after retirement forces the seniors, if their health 
allows it, to continue working. This problem affects especially lonely people and women 
who are usually less well paid during their working life, so they get lower pensions. Too 
low pensions make it impossible to pay rent or buy necessary drugs, which in the long run 
condemns older people to eviction or early death.

10. Developing communal housing as an alternative to commercial housing, not aid.

The basic problem of today's housing policy boils down to the fact that in the last two 
decades the structure of housing construction has been gradually changing. In 2010, 
socialized entities gave away only 6.6% of all new apartments to use, while developers 
gave them over 40%. The decline in the importance of socialized housing is particularly 
evident in cities. It is in them that developers today put in use 60-65% of total 
dwellings (in 1995 - only 6.3%). At the same time, the privatization of municipal housing 
resources and a sharp drop in their number are taking place. The NIK report revealed that 
municipal authorities meet the demand for social housing at a level of 1-2% per year! The 
development of property development and the collapse of socialized housing, including 
communal housing, only favors large investors, construction companies and banks financing 
private construction. The lack of competition has led to the monopoly of several 
developers, which means over-inflating property prices for sale as well as rental prices. 
The aim of counteracting such a situation is therefore necessary to diversify the real 
estate market and develop urban housing resources. Only an active self-government policy, 
based on the implementation of social and communal housing programs, is able to provide 
decent housing, prevent depopulation of cities and increase in social inequalities. The 
aim of counteracting such a situation is therefore necessary to diversify the real estate 
market and develop urban housing resources. Only an active self-government policy, based 
on the implementation of social and communal housing programs, is able to provide decent 
housing, prevent depopulation of cities and increase in social inequalities. The aim of 
counteracting such a situation is therefore necessary to diversify the real estate market 
and develop urban housing resources. Only an active self-government policy, based on the 
implementation of social and communal housing programs, is able to provide decent housing, 
prevent depopulation of cities and increase in social inequalities.

11. Stop the reprivatization of real estate and repair of social harm caused by it.

Reprivatization involves taking pre-war assets into private hands, including the municipal 
housing stock. In many cities, these properties were created for public loans. In Warsaw, 
after the war, they were rebuilt thanks to free and semi-free work, deductions from 
employee salaries across the country and materials from the demolition of other cities. 
Like once, "the whole nation was rebuilding the capital", now we are all shifting to a 
fortune for several new owners of reprivatized properties. In addition to the 
reprivatization of thousands of tenements, the authorities devote tens of billions of 
zlotys to financial compensation to pre-war owners. Putting such large funds out of the 
capital's budget was possible thanks to the introduction of a series of antisocial 
reforms: the town hall privatized school canteens and the thermal energy system (SPEC), 
increased rents in municipal apartments and prices of public transport tickets. For this 
reason, reprivatization appears to be the largest plunder in the history of post-war 
Warsaw. The authorities, however, avoid responsibility for social harms resulting from 
this process. Repair of wrongs should consist in: verification of all property 
acquisitions, restoration of their city, possibility of returning to the municipal 
premises for all tenants from re-privatized apartments, withdrawal of privatization and 
increases in public services as well as reconstruction and extension of the municipal 
housing stock.

12. Debt relief for tenants waiting for the allocation to social premises and forced to 
pay so-called penal rent (compensation for non-contractual use of the premises).

Because the housing stock of communes is too small, the residents, after obtaining the 
right to social housing, are not able to use it. At that time, the existing (mostly 
private) premises still live, and the municipality pays monthly compensation to private 
owners. Subsequently, the municipalities demand compensation from these residents. No 
solution to the so-called matter Regress (recourse compensation) means that the shortage 
of social housing is paid by tenants. In fact, the right to housing does not apply to them 
and they are burdened with thousands of debt that can not be repaid. The mere expectation 
of a social housing court adjudicated by the court often lasts for over ten years. 
Consequences of such a state of affairs can not be borne by a tenant, especially that 
their right to social housing is due to low income and poor financial situation.

13. Introduction of a total prohibition of eviction to the so-called temporary premises, 
which are only a camouflaged form of eviction on the pavement. The introduction of a total 
ban on the treatment of homeless centers run by NGOs and municipalities as substitute 
accommodation.

The so-called. Temporary premises for evictions are usually rooms in employee hotels paid 
for by the city authorities for no longer than a month. Therefore, most often after one 
month, persons evicted are sent to homeless centers anyway. Sometimes the legal guardian 
of partially incapacitated persons, instead of defending his charges, makes it easier for 
the owner to make an eviction. Homeless centers are, as a rule, a shelter in crisis 
situations and so should be treated. Under no circumstances may they perform the function 
of substitute or social housing.

14. Adjustment of the income criterion when granting municipal and social housing, 
abolition of the yardage criterion and introduction of rules for granting social housing 
that meets the real needs of residents and residents of municipalities.

If the commune authorities do not want to meet the obligation to provide an appropriate 
number of municipal and social premises, then they define the criteria for allocating 
apartments in such a way as to limit the taking into account of the applications of a 
large part of the needy. The income criterion eliminates people who earn too much income 
in order to apply for the allocation of a communal flat. On the other hand, these people 
earn too little to rent a flat on the market. Another problem is the threshold, which hits 
people with low incomes "trapped" in relatively large rental apartments. Ultimately, for 
example, in Poznan, changing the criteria for considering applications resulted in an 
increase in their number and revealed a large group of those in need.

15. Protection of "francomatics". Protection of persons who, due to indebtedness and 
inability to repay mortgage loans, have lost their right to their only apartment occupied 
on the basis of property rights; as a result of the transfer of ownership, they become 
homeless and they are not covered by the provisions of the Act on the protection of 
tenants' rights (casus, the so-called frankowiczes).

According to some data, a group of indebted so-called frankkowiczów has about 560 
thousand. people. The problem of debt associated with the purchase of an apartment applies 
to entire families, meaning a much larger number of people. In 2000, the amount of 
mortgage loans taken by Poles and Poles in total amounted to approx. PLN 9.5 billion, 
currently it is approx. PLN 378 billion. Within a dozen or so years, the indebtedness of 
this title increased by nearly 3900%. Often, indebted families due to the cessation of 
loan repayment lose the right to the occupied premises, which is the only place where they 
can meet their housing needs. Loss of financial liquidity of households is mainly caused 
by high mortgage installments (often previously denominated in francs). The reasons for 
this are different, e.g. loss of work due to illness or other circumstances independent of 
debtors. In the case of a lack of liquidity of repayments, there is a bidding and loss of 
the right to the occupied premises. The new owner, on the basis of the act of acquisition 
and misappropriation of the apartment, may, without having to bring the case to court, 
immediately start the proceedings with the participation of the bailiff, who automatically 
evicts his order.

16. Connecting all municipal dwellings to every, extending tenants forced to heat up by 
electricity and introducing real energy price regulation.

Despite the fact that electric heating is the most expensive form of heating, in Warsaw 
alone, almost 70 percent. buildings managed by the commune are not connected to the 
heating network. The condition for obtaining the allocation of a municipal flat is low 
earnings, but the costs of electric heating are many times higher than the thresholds of 
earnings determined by the town hall. This situation is particularly difficult for working 
mothers who are unable to save on heating, because they have to ensure the right 
conditions for children. For the negligence of city authorities in terms of providing 
access to cheap energy, they pay tenants, while officials hide their heads in the sand. 
Until the apartments are connected to what should be eased to tenants condemned to drastic 
heating costs, abolishing rental fees. Because the disproportionate heating costs cause 
the tenants' debt and evictions, in their case it is also necessary to annul rent debts 
and stop the eviction. Currently existing energy additives reach 2 percent. real costs of 
electric heating, and therefore electricity surcharges should be started. The 
privatization of the energy sector is the reason for the continuous rise in electricity 
prices, which should be subject to much more regulation.

17. Introduction of housing support programs for foreigners in economic austerity, 
refugees and asylum seekers.

The Wielkopolska Association of Tenants from 2013 is fighting for the right to housing for 
Roma migrants who, due to poor financial situation, live, for example, abandoned garden 
arbors. The Roma do not have the possibility to register their stay in Poland. 
Consequently, municipal institutions and private entities more often apply illegal 
displacements to them and break the Act on the Protection of Tenants' Rights. Some 
municipalities in Poland are responsible for the displacement of Roma in the European 
Court of Human Rights. Resettlement and illegal demolition are associated with expenditure 
from urban budgets that could be spent on housing development. People who are waiting for 
a decision on obtaining asylum or other form of protection, can not take up legal 
employment in Poland. In addition, they do not have the possibility of obtaining basic 
protection in the form of a flat.

18. Introduction of regulations regarding domestic violence, consisting in the fact that 
the perpetrator of violence is obliged to leave the apartment.

The existing forms of protection of victims of violence are not sufficient in terms of 
protection of tenants' rights. Often victims of violence are forced to leave the apartment 
and many months or many years of waiting for court judgments and the possibility of 
applying for housing assistance.

19. Introduction of a total ban on the construction of housing substandards in the form of 
social containers and barracks, and their use as social flats or temporary premises for 
the poorest.

In Poland, approximately 5.5 million people live in substandard conditions. In 2012, the 
Central Statistical Office, in turn, stated that the average wage of Poland allows the 
acquisition of approx. Half a square meter of housing. It's almost two times less than ten 
years ago. Thousands of people are waiting in the queue for the allocation of social and 
communal premises, while municipalities are increasingly implementing sub-standard 
apartments in the form of barracks, containers or in plywood houses. These activities 
often break the provisions of the construction law. What's more, locating substandard 
housing estates on isolated city outskirts increases social segregation. "Social ghettos 
of poverty" are also a scare used against the so-called "Difficult tenants."

20.Crating the guilty of murder of Jolanta Brzeska and guilty of blurring the traces of 
this crime (policemen and prosecutors).

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2361-socjalny-kongres-kobiet-postulaty

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Message: 3





This article talks about Afrin and stress on the wrong polices of the Peoples' Democratic 
Party , PYD. In falling Afrin the PYD should take some responsibility. It also remind us 
what lessons we can take and stresses on the reasons as to why we should not trust the 
political parties in building the Democratic Confederalism . ---- Afrin and the Policies 
of the Democratic Union Party -- By: Zaher Baher -- March 2018 ---- Afrin is one of the 
districts in northern Syria forming the region commonly known as Rojava. Until 17/03/2018, 
Afrin was one of Rojava's cantons that the seven year Syrian civil war did not reach. It 
was the safest place in the whole of Syria until January 20th when the Turkish State 
invaded. Around 200,000 people from different places in Syria, especially from Aleppo, 
moved there where they found peace, safety, equality, dignity and humanity.

There were many reasons for the invasion of Afrin by the Turkish State. The most important 
are the near-complete military defeat of Isis who fought against Syrian troops and Kurdish 
forces on behalf of the Turkish state, the proximity of Afrin and ethnic mix of its 
citizens which Erdogan wants to change by settling Arab refugees who are currently in 
Turkey and also its proximity to Idlib and Aleppo allowing control over the roads and 
supply of weapons and other support from Turkey to terrorist groups. In addition, there 
are unconfirmed reports that there was a deal between Erdogan and Assad whereby Erdogan 
would not support the rebels in East Ghouta whilst having a free hand to attack the Kurds 
in Afrin.

However, whatever the reasons were for Erdogan to invade Afrin, I believe the Turkish 
State cannot stay there for very long as there will be bargaining between Assad and Erdogan.

At dawn on 19th of March, Turkish troops, with the mercenaries of the Syrian Free Army 
(SFA), managed to enter Afrin after paying a heavy price. During the course of the 
invasion 1500 fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) were killed and many injured 
as well. Around 400 civilians were killed, over 2000 people were injured and also over 
150,000 people left and headed toward Aleppo.

For the last 3 years the Turkish President, Rajab Erdogan, managed to play a very 
successful game, using almost everyone involved in the war. This included Isis, whilst 
keeping good diplomatic relationships with many regional governments including Iraq and 
Iran. He kept a successful balance between Russia and the United States and also satisfied 
Europe by blocking the entry of refugees through Turkey. One of his cleverest policies was 
imposing conflict on the PKK, forcing them to enter this war. Erdogan knows very well that 
any peace process helps the PKK and the Kurdish more than helping his political party, the 
Justice and Development Party (AKP) and his government. Throughout this war, Erdogan 
weakened the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and destroyed many cities, towns and villages 
in the Turkish Kurdistan region of Bakur.

There is no doubt that the US does not like some of Erdogan's policies. It does not want a 
member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to ally itself with Russia, enjoy 
a very good relationship with Iran and threaten Iraq whose Shia government is a US ally in 
fighting Isis. None of these are acceptable, but there is little the US can do about it. 
There is no alternative to the AKP in Turkey at all, and there has been no alternative 
political movement for the US to support and promote in order to replace the AKP. In this 
case the only other option is a military coup d'état. However, this option is also 
unavailable, at least in the present situation.

The vast majority of people, from writers, academics, and politicians to even ordinary 
supporters of the Kurdish people, are blaming the US, UN, UK and other European countries 
for being silent in the face of the brutal attack on Afrin and its citizens by the Turkish 
State. They believe that the above have betrayed the Kurdish in Rojava who defeated Isis, 
reducing the threat of terrorist attacks on the streets and public places. They think 
that, instead of being silent, these powerful states should have rewarded the Kurdish 
people by stopping Turkish troops slaughtering civilians, destroying their homes and land 
and displacing them.

I was neither shocked nor surprised about the position of the above states. We should all 
know better especially for those of us who know too well the history of the UK and US. 
They have no history of protecting human rights or of liberating nations from their 
allies. They have never supported any leftist, communist or socialist movements, let alone 
an anarchist one. Their history shows they have only been concerned with their own 
interests. They have always lined up with the most brutal dictators and states in the 
world. It is they who are planning war in advance and causing terrible, miserable lives 
for the majority of people in many, many countries.

We should also know there has been a major power struggle in the Middle East and the entry 
of the US into the war in support of the Kurdish in Kobane was the last effort and hope 
for the US to save its skin in the region rather than being kicked out of the region 
completely.

Personally, I always believed it was not that Rojava wanted the support of the US and 
Russia but, in that circumstance it was they who actually wanted Kurdish support 
especially when the Kurdish proved themselves in battle. When the US entered the war in 
Kobane it was mainly symbolic, morally boosting the spirit of the People's Protection 
Units (YPG) and Women's Protection Units (YPJ) at the time. US forces never seriously 
fought Isis in Kobane and never truly threatened them because it never wanted to destroy 
them. By entering the war, the US destroyed whatever was left intact in Kobane after the 
attack by Isis. Before US involvement, only 30% of Kobane was destroyed but by the end of 
the war this increased to 70%. I never had a doubt that this was a deliberate effort to 
weaken Kobane and Rojava politically and economically so that the Kurds would ask big US 
and European corporations to help in the rebuilding.

A few months after defeating Isis in Kobane, it became obvious that Syria and Rojava 
became the battlefields or war zone for Russia and the US as they played out a political, 
economic and strategical power struggle. At this stage, both were looking for a proxy war 
and trying to find groups to fight on their behalf. The Democratic Union Party (PYD) was 
among them but it tried to keep a balance between. Alas, in the end the PYD could not 
maintain this balance and had to align itself with the US, putting the future of Rojava in 
its hands.

This has disturbed Russia, Syria, Iran, Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shia group, and also 
Turkey as a member of NATO.

In such circumstances, the only winner was Erdogan who, up to the present time has played 
this game very well with the loser clearly being the Kurdish people of Rojava.

Has the PYD committed to the right policies to protect what has been achieved in Rojava?

Before coming to this point I would like to say I have written quite a lot about Rojava 
and Bakur in which I criticised the policies of the PKK and PYD. If anybody is interested 
in reading them, please see the links at the end of this article.

In my opinion PYD had three options to choose from, whilst each of the US and Russia had 
only one. The PYD could ally itself with Russia or US or simply stay out of the war and be 
neutral. In adopting the third option, it could work with the Movement for a Democratic 
Society (Tev-Dem) and the Democratic Self-administration (DSA) in bringing more 
international support and solidarity in rebuilding Rojava. At the same time, it could 
develop the YPG and YPJ to make them more powerful defence forces and stay independent of 
the PYD itself. In other words, it should serve the interests of the whole of Rojava and 
not just its own. The PYD should have stuck with Ocalan's principle, "if we have the 
world's forces, we will not attack anywhere. If all the world attacks us we will defend 
ourselves and not surrender ".

In my opinion, there were no excuses or justifications for the PYD to try to expand its 
territory and fight Isis in non-Kurdish lands. The more land they liberated from Isis, the 
more fighters were killed, whilst bringing more threats and insecurity from Turkey, Iran 
and Russia to Rojava, more relying on US financially and militarily in other words less 
independent and also less focused on rebuilding Rojava economically and socially.

So what was going wrong with the PYD?

Unfortunately, the PYD was the main architect in designing policies and making plans for 
Rojava without consulting the people in Rojava. In fact, all the decisions, as with any 
other political party, have been made by a small circle of people, its leaders, in a dark 
room. Since Kobane's battle, the PYD made and committed to so many wrong policies. In my 
opinion, these have damaged the mass movement in Rojava instead of taking it forward. Here 
are some of them:

Aligning with the US: I already mentioned above the reasons for the US entering the war in 
Rojava and also mentioned that the PYD had three cards in its hand. The PYD did not need 
to deeply analyse or do much research in order to understand the position of the US in 
supporting any movement or government in the world. It has been clear for at least a 
century that many of us have known the US as a dark force. In fact any movement attracted 
to the US usually becomes very unpopular and suspect and has no future outside the US or 
to its big corporate interests. This should have been very clear and considered by the 
very progressive and unique movement in Rojava.

The Kurdistan Regional Government, KRG, following attack by the Iraqi Government on 
16/10/2017 with a green light from the US, proved wrong to rely on or ally with the US. 
Surely, the US never drops Turkey, Iraq, Iran or the future Syrian government for Kurdish 
interests. These two examples proved again that those who thought the PYD had no choice 
but to ally itself with the US were wrong.

YPG and YPJ: These two forces initially were small volunteer forces but were very 
effective in defending Rojava. The PYD gradually made them much larger. Their strategy 
changed from defence to attack forces and have absolute loyalty to the PYD rather than to 
the people from whom they emerged. The YPG and YPJ were jointly commanded by the PYD and 
US attacking Isis who coordinated and cooperated in the air and ground fighting against Isis.
Constant war with Isis: The PYD insisted on defeating Isis in cooperation with US forces 
when, after Kobane, Isis was not a direct threat to Rojava at least while they were 
engaged in fighting with other forces. Continuation of the war with Isis meant digging 
graves for themselves. Consequently, the YPG and YPJ were weakened losing so many 
fighters, needed more help in every way from the US and deepened enmity with Erdogan. 
Putting fighting with Isis as the main strategy before rebuilding Rojava, resulted in less 
impetus to form more cooperatives to improve the life of people in Rojava economically and 
not focussing on the continuation of the revolution in culture and education. These, along 
with many more, were the consequence of continuing the war with Isis.

Syrian Kurdish National Council for Kurdish Opposition Parties (ENKS): The Syrian 
opposition political parties in Rojava have never had deep roots among people in Rojava. 
They have never been popular having no clean and clear records or background. That said, 
that does not mean they cannot have an influence over people or that they cannot stand 
against Rojava's people and their movement. ENKS could not launch a movement let alone 
make a revolution, but certainly they could and can damage and hurt the movement, 
especially when they have been supported in every way by the Kurdistan Democratic Party 
(KDP), Barzani's Party. They also have a strong connection with Turkey and probably other 
regional governments.

In my opinion there was always room for the PYD to compromise with ENKS. They could accept 
some of their political conditions apart from letting them have their own independent 
military force out of control of the SDF. If the PYD had a good relation with them then it 
could affect the attitude of the KDP towards the PYD as well and probably ENKS could have 
an influences on Turkey too or, at least, could stay neutral.

Final US plan and project: When the US recently recommended that the PYD should form a 
30,000 strong force among the SDF to protect the borders, the PYD should have turned this 
request down. They should have known better. The US never wanted the SDF to be too big, 
although any forces made larger by an outsider can easily vanish or, at least, be smaller. 
The PYD should have known that this plan would annoy and irritate the State of Turkey and 
bring forward its plan to invade Afrin.

When the invasion started on 20/01/18, the PYD instead of begging for help from the US, 
UK, the rest of Europe and the UN should have given an immediate warning to the US; either 
stop their ally, Turkey, from attacking Afrin, or they would withdraw from fighting Isis 
and join the SDF in fighting Turkey in Afrin. However, this was not done until almost the 
last weeks of the operation and that was far too late.

The question is why the PYD made mistake after mistake or rather all the time made wrong 
decisions?

The answer is very simple as they never consulted the people in Rojava. They ignored 
Ocalan's principle about the people making all the decisions. The PYD has a history of 
doing this. In 2015 when they negotiated with ENKS, they reached an agreement to offer 40 
seats on the Democratic Self Administration, DSA, without consulting the people in Rojava. 
However, later ENKS pulled out of the agreement so they did not share power in Rojava.

I am sure that if the PYD had consulted with people when making these decisions, then many 
lives could have been saved as well as saving Rojava from any invasion or, at least, they 
would not be as responsible for what happened in Afrin or what may happen in future.

What can we learn from all this?

Well, the only lesson we can learn is that we should not trust any political parties and 
their leaders as they usually represent a tiny minority in society. They make decisions 
among a very small circle in a dark room. The strength of political parties is always at 
the expense of the mass movement, and eventually the mass movement is getting weaker and 
weaker.

We also should know that building Confederalism or Democratic Confederalism is the work of 
millions of people in all sections of society rather than the job of political parties. 
The last lesson we should learn is that we should recognise the use of weapons as a 
conditional and solid duty in defending ourselves but not attacking others.

Zaherbaher.com

http://zaherbaher.com/2016/02/04/our-attitude-towards-rojava-must-be-critical-solidarity/
http://zaherbaher.com/2017/05/23/we-supporters-of-rojava-should-be-worried-about-its-partnership-with-the-united-states/
http://zaherbaher.com/2017/12/30/where-is-the-kurdistan-workers-party-pkk-heading/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30915

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Message: 4





republished by the collegial site of Pelotos from Xanthi ---- Transnational competition 
(in our neighborhood) from a class perspective ---- The era of the modern capitalist 
crisis is accompanied by a constant and growing tension in transnational competition in 
the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Balkans. It is our duty as a 
politically organized part of the neo-proletariat to study, analyze and understand the 
starting points and political pursuits behind this tension so that we can articulate 
speech and action against the dominant ideology of the local bourgeoisie, instead of being 
able to put forward the international solidarity among the neo-proletarians of this world. 
---- We recognize that the US-Russia opposition is the dominant one today and it is the 
one that produces the individual tensions in the wider region. From the Ukraine to Syria, 
the field of a large-scale confrontation between two civilian-military superpowers is 
currently being created. Within this framework, regional forces are trying to strengthen 
their position either by providing further lectures on the imperialist pole that are tied 
up, or by exhibiting revisionist tendencies, but without this, to date, as a break with 
existing alliances.

NATO as a transnational alliance, aggressively aggressive, with a dominant force in the 
United States, is once again trying to strengthen its presence on the Balkan Peninsula 
against Russia in order to build a sophisticated pro-Western front. The main obstacle to 
the realization of this goal is the local, minor, transnational conflicts between the 
Balkan states. In Greece, these contrasts get flesh and bones on various occasions (the 
name of Macedonia, North Epirus, the definition of the AOZ at the border with Albania). It 
should be stressed that in other periods, depending on the current conditions and the 
correlation of forces, such "open issues" were instigated by NATO in order to penetrate 
the Balkans, either as a defender of an opposing party,

In the above context, US and NATO, taking advantage of the standing attitude of the Greek 
compatriot bourgeoisie, which is anyway closely attached to their chariot, are seeking to 
resolve any disputes. On the occasion of the pro-Western government formed in Macedonia, 
they are pushing for a nomenclature settlement with a view to the immediate integration of 
the country's neighbor into NATO. Also in this direction, the Greek state proceeds to the 
appointment of the AOZ. with Albania and the exhumation of the bones of the fallen Greek 
soldiers on the Albanian front - a matter that has always been used by the Greek side to 
keep the Northern Epirus claiming. In the case of Albania, the stakes are its EU 
membership and its final binding to the Western bloc. Along with serving NATO's 
aspirations for the Balkans, the Greek bourgeoisie with these moves is trying to improve 
its position vis-à-vis its Turkish competitor, as the latter tries to get hold of the 
Muslim populations of the Balkan states. At this point, it should be noted that the Greek 
state's consultations with the United States also aim at a possible alleviation of public 
debt. The US is, moreover, the central pillar of the IMF, and the Greek state is trying to 
exploit the low-intensity grievances that occur at times and at specific points between 
the US and the EU for the above purpose. At this point, it should be noted that the Greek 
state's consultations with the United States also aim at a possible alleviation of public 
debt. The US is, moreover, the central pillar of the IMF, and the Greek state is trying to 
exploit the low-intensity grievances that occur at times and at specific points between 
the US and the EU for the above purpose. At this point, it should be noted that the Greek 
state's consultations with the United States also aim at a possible alleviation of public 
debt. The US is, moreover, the central pillar of the IMF, and the Greek state is trying to 
exploit the low-intensity grievances that occur at times and at specific points between 
the US and the EU for the above purpose.

As we have seen, we think that any moves made in the above context, and in the territories 
it concerns, are the main reference to US-Russia opposition. The gaps, opportunities, and 
deadlocks generated by this opposition are being used by the bourgeoisie of the Balkan and 
Eastern Mediterranean countries to strengthen their position. This includes the tension 
between the Greek and the Turkish bourgeoisie.

The Turkish state, a key member of NATO, is under pressure on both its eastern and western 
borders. At its eastern border, after years of conflict in Syria, as a US-Russia 
controversy, not only fails to take part in the sharing of the country's wealth-producing 
resources but sees a pocket under the control of the Kurds at its borders which can 
rekindle conflicts inside. He thus opts for a military engagement with uncertain results 
on the territories of Syria. Its main allies and joint NATO-US partners equip and support 
to some extent the army of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the YPG / YPJ Kurdish 
militias, causing intense dissatisfaction with the Turkish bourgeoisie. At its western 
border it faces its totalitarian exclusion to the Mediterranean. It seeks, with no effect 
yet, to reap a part of the energy deposits in the AOZ. which the Greek Cypriot state 
claims to be exclusively its own. The Greece-Cyprus-Israel-Egypt axis cuts off Turkey from 
the pooling of deposits, and is attempting to circumvent it by announcing the construction 
of a gas pipeline between the above countries. The pressure exerted by the Turkish state 
is externalized in a variety of ways, through an aggressive rhetoric, through the invasion 
of Syria, and through stronger agreements with Russia. Thus, "revisionist trends" arise. 
which the Greek Cypriot state claims to be exclusively its own. The 
Greece-Cyprus-Israel-Egypt axis cuts off Turkey from the pooling of deposits, and is 
attempting to circumvent it by announcing the construction of a gas pipeline between the 
above countries. The pressure exerted by the Turkish state is externalized in a variety of 
ways, through an aggressive rhetoric, through the invasion of Syria, and through stronger 
agreements with Russia. Thus, "revisionist trends" arise. which the Greek Cypriot state 
claims to be exclusively its own. The Greece-Cyprus-Israel-Egypt axis cuts off Turkey from 
the pooling of deposits, and is attempting to circumvent it by announcing the construction 
of a gas pipeline between the above countries. The pressure exerted by the Turkish state 
is externalized in a variety of ways, through an aggressive rhetoric, through the invasion 
of Syria, and through stronger agreements with Russia. Thus, "revisionist trends" arise. 
through an aggressive rhetoric, through the invasion of Syria, but also through stronger 
agreements with Russia. Thus, "revisionist trends" arise. through an aggressive rhetoric, 
through the invasion of Syria, but also through stronger agreements with Russia. Thus, 
"revisionist trends" arise.

This abrasive analysis contradicts the dominant nationalist public speech of a permanently 
defending Greek state - the spooky world that everyone is trying to defend. This approach, 
whatever the tendency of the political arc, if any, is the only one that it offers is an 
ideological adventurousness in the constitution of - the dangers of the neo-warrior's 
interests in Greece - the national torso. The bourgeois classes of each state, and of 
Greece, are aggressive and expansive in nature. And it is forbidden to do everything in 
their power and take every opportunity to upgrade their position against the competing 
bourgeoisie of other states. The Greek bourgeoisie triumphed over the years by selling 
subordination, giving it up, and betting successfully - or not - to the appropriate 
patron. Although severely underestimated in the midst of a crisis, it tries to follow the 
recipe of success once again. It is unfair to criticize the far-right brothel for selling 
the homeland (due to the attitude of the Greek bourgeoisie in the Macedonian and 
Greek-Turkish approaches). It is also known that only by licking and subjugation things 
have proceeded to this place. Whenever aggression was chosen by the bourgeoisie as a 
foreign policy, the result was disastrous. It is also known that only by licking and 
subjugation things have proceeded to this place. Whenever aggression was chosen by the 
bourgeoisie as a foreign policy, the result was disastrous. It is also known that only by 
licking and subjugation things have proceeded to this place. Whenever aggression was 
chosen by the bourgeoisie as a foreign policy, the result was disastrous.

The Greek state follows and participates with closed eyes the imperatives and designs of 
the imperialist pole to which it is attached, namely NATO. This offers no complacency, no 
security. The allies of the Greek state will not hesitate to transfer the confrontation to 
the borders of Greece if it serves their purpose. It is fictitious that NATO's growing 
involvement in the Balkan and Eastern Mediterranean region is a deterrent against a 
possible military engagement. In fact, the opposite is true: As long as troops are 
assembled in the wider region (such as the concentration of American, Italian and Greek 
warships in the eastern Mediterranean)

The sharpening in Greece's foreign policy has its reflection on domestic politics as well. 
When a state is equipped to deal with another state, it is equally equipped to deal with 
the "inner enemy". A look at neighboring Turkey is extremely instructive. The Turkish 
bourgeoisie, as it prepared to take an active role in Syria, was trying to suppress any 
voice from inside the country to question its warlike plans. By massive imprisonment and 
persecution of revolutionary organizations, political opponents, journalists, minorities, 
by applying the strategy of tension, strengthening the national body and sowing fear in a 
large part of the Turkish people managed to impose a sterile landscape within the country.

By analogy, we observe similar moves in Greece: the legal defense of the state with the 
terrorists, the widening of accusations in "collective entities", the "promoter" class 
have been incorporated into Greek legal reality and are already piloted in pieces of the 
competitive / anti-capitalist movement. Watching fighters and targeted persecutions are 
everyday. On the other hand, the nationalist rallies functioned as a first-class exercise 
for the formation of the national torso on the road in terms of movement. A nationalist 
movement that has already blunted its targeting attack on squats and enemy struggles. It 
is absurd to think that these gatherings are against the government. The revival of the 
national torso at the moment when the transnational tension is only good news can be for 
any government. The projection of the nation as the highest level of unity blurs the class 
contradictions by pretending the state to be the guarantor of "common interests" and 
renders one-way co-operation with its choices. We emphasize again that bind to the 
interests of any bourgeoisie will always find us lost and at a heavy price. Especially in 
the region of Thrace we are once again witnessing the fearful fortification of half the 
population that happens in every upgraded Greek-Turkish episode. It is well known to 
everybody that for the Greek state the minority (regardless of the separations within it) 
is an internal enemy to suppress the possibility of a conflict.

In this grim reality, we have a duty to construct a robust, militant anti-war movement 
targeting the local bourgeoisie's plans, as well as its foreign allies. We have a duty to 
defend our class interests, our organizations, our struggles, our fighting communities and 
our people against any attack. We do not identify with the interests and adventures of any 
bourgeoisie. We are not fighting for any transnational competition. We have a duty to 
raise mounds in the plans of the world's dominant and local bourgeoisie, to build a 
powerful internationalist movement against the war against modern totalitarianism. We have 
to build links with the competitors internationally, to set common goals of struggle and 
to sabotage in practice any martial design that holds the same fate for all of us, 
regardless of the borders we stand on. To build a broad and international front of 
struggle against war, fascism, poverty, impoverishment, racism, state and partisan terrorism.

AGAINST THE STATES, CAPITAL AND NATIONALITY PROMOTE  CAR SOLIDARITY AND THE INTERNATIONAL 
FIGHT

  NEITHER NATIONAL OR NON-RELIGIOUS OUR COUNTRY WAR ARE TAXIC

WE DO NOT WANT FOR THE RAINS IN AEGEAN, FOR A NAME IN MACEDONIA, FOR THE INTERESTS OF 
MULTI-NATIONAL IN CYPRUS

WE WAIT FOR LIFE AND DIGNITY AGAINST NATIONAL AND PLANTIC OFFICIALS.

Peloton 2.4.18

  Our rifles are set for your breasts.
And the brothers of the people will set you on the wall.
As you move wars, battle will become class.
Then the battle on your heads will fall.
N. Assos

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